What Were the Years Justinian Ruled Mosaic Art in the Age of Justinian

Art of the Byzantine Empire

Byzantine art comprises the body of Christian Greek artistic products of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire,^[i] as well as the nations and states that inherited culturally from the empire. Though the empire itself emerged from the decline of Rome and lasted until the Fall of Constantinople in 1453,^[2] the start date of the Byzantine flow is rather clearer in art history than in political history, if nonetheless imprecise. Many Eastern Orthodox states in Eastern Europe, as well as to some caste the Islamic states of the eastern Mediterranean, preserved many aspects of the empire's culture and art for centuries later.

A number of contemporary states with the Byzantine Empire were culturally influenced by information technology without actually being part of it (the "Byzantine commonwealth"). These included the Rus, too as some non-Orthodox states like the Democracy of Venice, which separated from the Byzantine Empire in the tenth century, and the Kingdom of Sicily, which had shut ties to the Byzantine Empire and had besides been a Byzantine territory until the tenth century with a large Greek-speaking population persisting into the 12th century. Other states having a Byzantine creative tradition, had oscillated throughout the Middle Ages between beingness part of the Byzantine Empire and having periods of independence, such as Serbia and Bulgaria. After the fall of the Byzantine upper-case letter of Constantinople in 1453, art produced by Eastern Orthodox Christians living in the Ottoman Empire was often called "post-Byzantine." Certain artistic traditions that originated in the Byzantine Empire, especially in regard to icon painting and church building architecture, are maintained in Greece, Cyprus, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Russia and other Eastern Orthodox countries to the present twenty-four hours.

Introduction [edit]

Byzantine art originated and evolved from the Christianized Greek civilisation of the Eastern Roman Empire; content from both Christianity and classical Greek mythology were artistically expressed through Hellenistic modes of way and iconography.^[three] The art of Byzantium never lost sight of its classical heritage; the Byzantine upper-case letter, Constantinople, was adorned with a large number of classical sculptures,^[four] although they eventually became an object of some puzzlement for its inhabitants^[5] (still, Byzantine beholders showed no signs of puzzlement towards other forms of classical media such as wall paintings^[vi]). The footing of Byzantine art is a fundamental artistic mental attitude held by the Byzantine Greeks who, like their aboriginal Greek predecessors, "were never satisfied with a play of forms alone, just stimulated by an innate rationalism, endowed forms with life past associating them with a meaningful content."^[7] Although the art produced in the Byzantine Empire was marked past periodic revivals of a classical aesthetic, it was above all marked by the development of a new aesthetic defined by its salient "abstract", or anti-naturalistic grapheme. If classical art was marked past the attempt to create representations that mimicked reality every bit closely as possible, Byzantine art seems to take abandoned this attempt in favor of a more symbolic approach.

The Ethiopian Saint Arethas depicted in traditional Byzantine mode (10th century)

The nature and causes of this transformation, which largely took place during late antiquity, take been a field of study of scholarly argue for centuries.^[8] Giorgio Vasari attributed it to a pass up in creative skills and standards, which had in turn been revived by his contemporaries in the Italian Renaissance. Although this indicate of view has been occasionally revived, near notably past Bernard Berenson,^[9] modern scholars tend to accept a more positive view of the Byzantine aesthetic. Alois Riegl and Josef Strzygowski, writing in the early 20th century, were to a higher place all responsible for the revaluation of late antique art.^[10] Riegl saw information technology as a natural development of pre-existing tendencies in Roman art, whereas Strzygowski viewed it as a product of "oriental" influences. Notable recent contributions to the fence include those of Ernst Kitzinger,^[11] who traced a "dialectic" betwixt "abstract" and "Hellenistic" tendencies in late antiquity, and John Onians,^[12] who saw an "increment in visual response" in late antiquity, through which a viewer "could look at something which was in twentieth-century terms purely abstruse and find it representational."

In any case, the debate is purely modern: it is clear that most Byzantine viewers did non consider their fine art to be abstruse or unnaturalistic. As Cyril Mango has observed, "our own appreciation of Byzantine art stems largely from the fact that this art is not naturalistic; even so the Byzantines themselves, judging by their extant statements, regarded it as being highly naturalistic and equally being directly in the tradition of Phidias, Apelles, and Zeuxis."^[13]

Frescoes in Nerezi virtually Skopje (1164), with their unique blend of high tragedy, gentle humanity, and homespun realism, conceptualize the arroyo of Giotto and other proto-Renaissance Italian artists.

The discipline thing of monumental Byzantine art was primarily religious and purple: the two themes are often combined, as in the portraits of later Byzantine emperors that decorated the interior of the 6th-century church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. These preoccupations are partly a effect of the pious and autocratic nature of Byzantine society, and partly a result of its economic construction: the wealth of the empire was full-bodied in the hands of the church and the imperial office, which had the greatest opportunity to undertake monumental creative commissions.

Religious art was not, however, limited to the monumental decoration of church interiors. One of the most important genres of Byzantine fine art was the icon, an image of Christ, the Virgin, or a saint, used as an object of veneration in Orthodox churches and individual homes akin. Icons were more religious than artful in nature: especially after the cease of iconoclasm, they were understood to manifest the unique "presence" of the figure depicted by means of a "likeness" to that figure maintained through carefully maintained canons of representation.^[14]

The illumination of manuscripts was another major genre of Byzantine art. The virtually commonly illustrated texts were religious, both scripture itself (particularly the Psalms) and devotional or theological texts (such as the Ladder of Divine Ascent of John Climacus or the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus). Secular texts were also illuminated: important examples include the Alexander Romance and the history of John Skylitzes.

The Byzantines inherited the Early Christian distrust of monumental sculpture in religious art, and produced only reliefs, of which very few survivals are anything like life-size, in sharp contrast to the medieval art of the West, where monumental sculpture revived from Carolingian art onwards. Small ivories were as well mostly in relief.

The and so-called "minor arts" were very important in Byzantine art and luxury items, including ivories carved in relief as formal presentation Consular diptychs or caskets such every bit the Veroli casket, hardstone carvings, enamels, glass, jewelry, metalwork, and figured silks were produced in large quantities throughout the Byzantine era. Many of these were religious in nature, although a large number of objects with secular or non-representational decoration were produced: for example, ivories representing themes from classical mythology. Byzantine ceramics were relatively rough, as pottery was never used at the tables of the rich, who ate off Byzantine silvery.

Periods [edit]

Byzantine fine art and compages is divided into four periods by convention: the Early menses, commencing with the Edict of Milan (when Christian worship was legitimized) and the transfer of the imperial seat to Constantinople, extends to AD 842, with the conclusion of Iconoclasm; the Middle, or high menstruum, begins with the restoration of the icons in 843 and culminates in the Autumn of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204; the Late menstruation includes the eclectic osmosis between Western European and traditional Byzantine elements in fine art and architecture, and ends with the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. The term post-Byzantine is then used for later on years, whereas "Neo-Byzantine" is used for fine art and compages from the 19th century onwards, when the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire prompted a renewed appreciation of Byzantium by artists and historians alike.

Early on Byzantine fine art [edit]

Two events were of fundamental importance to the evolution of a unique, Byzantine fine art. First, the Edict of Milan, issued by the emperors Constantine I and Licinius in 313, allowed for public Christian worship, and led to the development of a monumental, Christian fine art. Second, the dedication of Constantinople in 330 created a great new creative centre for the eastern half of the Empire, and a specifically Christian one. Other creative traditions flourished in rival cities such as Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome, but information technology was not until all of these cities had fallen - the offset two to the Arabs and Rome to the Goths - that Constantinople established its supremacy.

Constantine devoted slap-up effort to the ornamentation of Constantinople, adorning its public spaces with aboriginal statuary,^[15] and building a forum dominated past a porphyry column that carried a statue of himself.^[sixteen] Major Constantinopolitan churches built under Constantine and his son, Constantius II, included the original foundations of Hagia Sophia and the Church of the Holy Apostles.^[17]

The next major building campaign in Constantinople was sponsored past Theodosius I. The nearly important surviving monument of this period is the obelisk and base erected by Theodosius in the Hippodrome^[18] which, with the large silvery dish called the Missorium of Theodosius I, represents the classic examples of what is sometimes called the "Theodosian Renaissance". The earliest surviving church in Constantinople is the Basilica of St. John at the Stoudios Monastery, built in the fifth century.^[19]

Miniatures of the sixth-century Rabula Gospel (a Byzantine Syriac Gospel) display the more abstract and symbolic nature of Byzantine art

Due to subsequent rebuilding and destruction, relatively few Constantinopolitan monuments of this early menses survive. However, the development of monumental early Byzantine art tin can still be traced through surviving structures in other cities. For example, important early churches are establish in Rome (including Santa Sabina and Santa Maria Maggiore),^[20] and in Thessaloniki (the Rotunda and the Acheiropoietos Basilica).^[21]

A number of of import illuminated manuscripts, both sacred and secular, survive from this early period. Classical authors, including Virgil (represented past the Vergilius Vaticanus^[22] and the Vergilius Romanus)^[23] and Homer (represented by the Ambrosian Iliad), were illustrated with narrative paintings. Illuminated biblical manuscripts of this flow survive just in fragments: for example, the Quedlinburg Itala fragment is a pocket-size portion of what must have been a lavishly illustrated copy of one Kings.^[24]

Early Byzantine art was also marked by the tillage of ivory carving.^[25] Ivory diptychs, often elaborately decorated, were issued as gifts by newly appointed consuls.^[26] Silver plates were another important form of luxury art:^[27] amidst the most lavish from this period is the Missorium of Theodosius I.^[28] Sarcophagi continued to be produced in great numbers.

Age of Justinian I [edit]

Mosaic from San Vitale in Ravenna, showing the Emperor Justinian and Bishop Maximian, surrounded by clerics and soldiers.

Significant changes in Byzantine art coincided with the reign of Justinian I (527–565). Justinian devoted much of his reign to reconquering Italy, North Africa and Spain. He also laid the foundations of the imperial authoritarianism of the Byzantine state, codifying its laws and imposing his religious views on all his subjects by law.^[29]

A meaning component of Justinian'southward project of imperial renovation was a massive edifice programme, which was described in a book, the Buildings, written past Justinian's court historian, Procopius.^[30] Justinian renovated, rebuilt, or founded anew countless churches within Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia,^[31] which had been destroyed during the Nika riots, the Church building of the Holy Apostles,^[32] and the Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus.^[33] Justinian also built a number of churches and fortifications outside of the imperial capital letter, including Saint Catherine'due south Monastery on Mount Sinai in Arab republic of egypt,^[34] Basilica of Saint Sofia in Sofia and the Basilica of St. John in Ephesus.^[35]

Several major churches of this period were congenital in the provinces by local bishops in imitation of the new Constantinopolitan foundations. The Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, was built by Bishop Maximianus. The decoration of San Vitale includes of import mosaics of Justinian and his empress, Theodora, although neither always visited the church.^[36] Besides of note is the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč.^[37]

Recent archeological discoveries in the 19th and 20th centuries unearthed a large group of Early Byzantine mosaics in the Middle Due east. The eastern provinces of the Eastern Roman and after the Byzantine Empires inherited a strong creative tradition from Late Antiquity. Christian mosaic fine art flourished in this expanse from the quaternary century onwards. The tradition of making mosaics was carried on in the Umayyad era until the end of the eighth century. The virtually important surviving examples are the Madaba Map, the mosaics of Mountain Nebo, Saint Catherine's Monastery and the Church of St Stephen in ancient Kastron Mefaa (now Umm ar-Rasas).

The first fully preserved illuminated biblical manuscripts date to the first one-half of the 6th century, most notably the Vienna Genesis,^[38] the Rossano Gospels,^[39] and the Sinope Gospels.^[twoscore] The Vienna Dioscurides is a lavishly illustrated botanical treatise, presented as a gift to the Byzantine aristocrat Julia Anicia.^[41]

Important ivory sculptures of this period include the Barberini ivory, which probably depicts Justinian himself,^[42] and the Archangel ivory in the British Museum.^[43] Silver plate continued to be decorated with scenes fatigued from classical mythology; for instance, a plate in the Cabinet des Médailles, Paris, depicts Hercules wrestling the Nemean lion.^[44]

Seventh-century crisis [edit]

The Historic period of Justinian was followed by a political decline, since most of Justinian's conquests were lost and the Empire faced acute crisis with the invasions of the Avars, Slavs, Persians and Arabs in the 7th century. Constantinople was also wracked by religious and political conflict.^[45]

The most pregnant surviving monumental projects of this menstruum were undertaken outside of the imperial capital. The church of Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki was rebuilt after a fire in the mid-seventh century. The new sections include mosaics executed in a remarkably abstract style.^[46] The church of the Koimesis in Nicaea (nowadays-mean solar day Iznik), destroyed in the early 20th century but documented through photographs, demonstrates the simultaneous survival of a more classical manner of church building decoration.^[47] The churches of Rome, still a Byzantine territory in this catamenia, besides include of import surviving decorative programs, peculiarly Santa Maria Antiqua, Sant'Agnese fuori le mura, and the Chapel of San Venanzio in San Giovanni in Laterano.^[48] Byzantine mosaicists probably besides contributed to the decoration of the early Umayyad monuments, including the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the Great Mosque of Damascus.^[49]

Of import works of luxury art from this period include the silver David Plates, produced during the reign of Emperor Heraclius, and depicting scenes from the life of the Hebrew king David.^[50] The nearly notable surviving manuscripts are Syriac gospel books, such as the so-called Syriac Bible of Paris.^[51] Withal, the London Catechism Tables bear witness to the continuing production of lavish gospel books in Greek.^[52]

The catamenia between Justinian and iconoclasm saw major changes in the social and religious roles of images within Byzantium. The veneration of acheiropoieta, or holy images "not made past homo hands," became a significant phenomenon, and in some instances these images were credited with saving cities from military machine assault. By the end of the seventh century, sure images of saints had come to be viewed as "windows" through which one could communicate with the figure depicted. Proskynesis before images is likewise attested in texts from the belatedly seventh century. These developments marker the beginnings of a theology of icons.^[53]

At the aforementioned time, the argue over the proper role of art in the decoration of churches intensified. Three canons of the Quinisext Quango of 692 addressed controversies in this surface area: prohibition of the representation of the cross on church pavements (Canon 73), prohibition of the representation of Christ as a lamb (Canon 82), and a full general injunction confronting "pictures, whether they are in paintings or in what way so ever, which attract the eye and decadent the mind, and incite it to the enkindling of base of operations pleasures" (Canon 100).

Crunch of iconoclasm [edit]

Helios in his chariot, surrounded by symbols of the months and of the zodiac. From Vat. Gr. 1291, the "Handy Tables" of Ptolemy, produced during the reign of Constantine V

Intense debate over the office of fine art in worship led eventually to the period of "Byzantine iconoclasm."^[54] Sporadic outbreaks of iconoclasm on the part of local bishops are attested in Asia Minor during the 720s. In 726, an underwater earthquake betwixt the islands of Thera and Therasia was interpreted by Emperor Leo III equally a sign of God's anger, and may accept led Leo to remove a famous icon of Christ from the Chalke Gate outside the purple palace.^[55] However, iconoclasm probably did non become imperial policy until the reign of Leo's son, Constantine V. The Quango of Hieria, convened under Constantine in 754, proscribed the manufacture of icons of Christ. This inaugurated the Iconoclastic catamenia, which lasted, with interruptions, until 843.

While iconoclasm severely restricted the function of religious art, and led to the removal of some earlier alcove mosaics and (perhaps) the desultory destruction of portable icons, information technology never constituted a total ban on the product of figural art. Ample literary sources point that secular art (i.e. hunting scenes and depictions of the games in the hippodrome) continued to be produced,^[56] and the few monuments that can exist securely dated to the period (most notably the manuscript of Ptolemy'southward "Handy Tables" today held by the Vatican^[57]) demonstrate that metropolitan artists maintained a high quality of product.^[58]

Major churches dating to this period include Hagia Eirene in Constantinople, which was rebuilt in the 760s following its destruction by the 740 Constantinople convulsion. The interior of Hagia Eirene, which is dominated by a large mosaic cantankerous in the apse, is one of the best-preserved examples of iconoclastic church decoration.^[59] The church of Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki was likewise rebuilt in the late 8th century.^[60]

Certain churches built outside of the empire during this menstruation, only decorated in a figural, "Byzantine," style, may also prove to the standing activities of Byzantine artists. Peculiarly important in this regard are the original mosaics of the Palatine Chapel in Aachen (since either destroyed or heavily restored) and the frescoes in the Church of Maria foris portas in Castelseprio.

Macedonian fine art [edit]

The rulings of the Council of Hieria were reversed by a new church building council in 843, historic to this 24-hour interval in the Eastern Orthodox Church building as the "Triumph of Orthodoxy." In 867, the installation of a new apse mosaic in Hagia Sophia depicting the Virgin and Child was historic by the Patriarch Photios in a famous homily as a victory over the evils of iconoclasm. Later in the same year, the Emperor Basil I, called "the Macedonian," acceded to the throne; as a issue the following flow of Byzantine art has sometimes been chosen the "Macedonian Renaissance", although the term is doubly problematic (information technology was neither "Macedonian", nor, strictly speaking, a "Renaissance").

In the 9th and 10th centuries, the Empire's armed services situation improved, and patronage of art and architecture increased. New churches were commissioned, and the standard architectural course (the "cross-in-square") and decorative scheme of the Centre Byzantine church were standardised. Major surviving examples include Hosios Loukas in Boeotia, the Daphni Monastery virtually Athens and Nea Moni on Chios.

At that place was a revival of interest in the depiction of subjects from classical Greek mythology (as on the Veroli Casket) and in the use of a "classical" Hellenistic styles to depict religious, and particularly Old Testament, subjects (of which the Paris Psalter and the Joshua Roll are important examples).

The Macedonian period also saw a revival of the late antique technique of ivory carving. Many ornate ivory triptychs and diptychs survive, such as the Harbaville Triptych and a triptych at Luton Hoo, dating from the reign of Nicephorus Phocas.

Komnenian age [edit]

The Macedonian emperors were followed past the Komnenian dynasty, outset with the reign of Alexios I Komnenos in 1081. Byzantium had recently suffered a menstruum of astringent dislocation following the Boxing of Manzikert in 1071 and the subsequent loss of Asia Pocket-sized to the Turks. Notwithstanding, the Komnenoi brought stability to the empire (1081–1185) and during the course of the twelfth century their energetic candidature did much to restore the fortunes of the empire. The Komnenoi were groovy patrons of the arts, and with their support Byzantine artists connected to movement in the direction of greater humanism and emotion, of which the Theotokos of Vladimir, the cycle of mosaics at Daphni, and the murals at Nerezi yield of import examples. Ivory sculpture and other expensive mediums of fine art gradually gave way to frescoes and icons, which for the offset fourth dimension gained widespread popularity across the Empire. Apart from painted icons, there were other varieties - notably the mosaic and ceramic ones.

Some of the finest Byzantine piece of work of this period may exist found exterior the Empire: in the mosaics of Gelati, Kiev, Torcello, Venice, Monreale, Cefalù and Palermo. For example, Venice's Basilica of St Mark, begun in 1063, was based on the keen Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, now destroyed, and is thus an echo of the age of Justinian. The acquisitive habits of the Venetians mean that the basilica is likewise a slap-up museum of Byzantine artworks of all kinds (eastward.grand., Pala d'Oro).

Ivory caskets of the Macedonian era (Gallery) [edit]

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• 

  11th-12th century, Museo Nazionale d'Arte Medievale east Moderna (Arezzo)

Palaeologan historic period [edit]

The Annunciation from Ohrid, one of the about admired icons of the Paleologan mannerism, bears comparison with the finest contemporary works past Italian artists

Centuries of continuous Roman political tradition and Hellenistic civilization underwent a crisis in 1204 with the sacking of Constantinople by the Venetian and French knights of the Fourth Crusade, a disaster from which the Empire recovered in 1261 albeit in a severely weakened state. The devastation by sack or subsequent fail of the urban center'southward secular architecture in detail has left us with an imperfect understanding of Byzantine fine art.

Although the Byzantines regained the city in 1261, the Empire was thereafter a small-scale and weak state bars to the Greek peninsula and the islands of the Aegean. During their half-century of exile, yet, the last great flowing of Anatolian Hellenism began. As Nicaea emerged as the center of opposition under the Laskaris emperors, it spawned a renaissance, attracting scholars, poets, and artists from across the Byzantine world. A glittering court emerged every bit the dispossessed intelligentsia found in the Hellenic side of their traditions a pride and identity unsullied by clan with the hated "latin" enemy.^[61] With the recapture of the capital letter under the new Palaeologan Dynasty, Byzantine artists developed a new interest in landscapes and pastoral scenes, and the traditional mosaic-work (of which the Chora Church building in Constantinople is the finest extant example) gradually gave manner to detailed cycles of narrative frescoes (as evidenced in a large group of Mystras churches). The icons, which became a favoured medium for artistic expression, were characterized by a less austere attitude, new appreciation for purely decorative qualities of painting and meticulous attention to details, earning the pop proper name of the Paleologan Mannerism for the period in general.

Venice came to control Byzantine Crete past 1212, and Byzantine creative traditions continued long after the Ottoman conquest of the last Byzantine successor country in 1461. The Cretan school, every bit it is today known, gradually introduced Western elements into its style, and exported big numbers of icons to the West. The tradition's near famous artist was El Greco.^{[62] [63]}

Legacy [edit]

The splendour of Byzantine art was always in the mind of early on medieval Western artists and patrons, and many of the most important movements in the period were conscious attempts to produce art fit to stand side by side to both classical Roman and gimmicky Byzantine art. This was especially the case for the regal Carolingian art and Ottonian fine art. Luxury products from the Empire were highly valued, and reached for instance the royal Anglo-Saxon Sutton Hoo burial in Suffolk of the 620s, which contains several pieces of silver. Byzantine silks were especially valued and large quantities were distributed as diplomatic gifts from Constantinople. There are records of Byzantine artists working in the West, peculiarly during the catamenia of iconoclasm, and some works, similar the frescos at Castelseprio and miniatures in the Vienna Coronation Gospels, seem to have been produced past such figures.

In item, teams of mosaic artists were dispatched as diplomatic gestures by emperors to Italy, where they often trained locals to keep their work in a style heavily influenced by Byzantium. Venice and Norman Sicily were particular centres of Byzantine influence. The earliest surviving panel paintings in the West were in a mode heavily influenced past contemporary Byzantine icons, until a distinctive Western style began to develop in Italy in the Trecento; the traditional and nonetheless influential narrative of Vasari and others has the story of Western painting begin every bit a breakaway by Cimabue and and then Giotto from the shackles of the Byzantine tradition. In general, Byzantine artistic influence on Europe was in steep decline by the 14th century if non earlier, despite the continued importance of migrated Byzantine scholars in the Renaissance in other areas.

Islamic art began with artists and craftsmen mostly trained in Byzantine styles, and though figurative content was greatly reduced, Byzantine decorative styles remained a great influence on Islamic fine art, and Byzantine artists continued to exist imported for important works for some time, especially for mosaics.

The Byzantine era properly defined came to an terminate with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, but by this time the Byzantine cultural heritage had been widely diffused, carried by the spread of Orthodox Christianity, to Republic of bulgaria, Serbia, Romania and, most importantly, to Russia, which became the centre of the Orthodox world following the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. Even nether Ottoman rule, Byzantine traditions in icon-painting and other pocket-sized-scale arts survived, especially in the Venetian-ruled Crete and Rhodes, where a "post-Byzantine" style under increasing Western influence survived for a further two centuries, producing artists including El Greco whose grooming was in the Cretan School which was the most vigorous post-Byzantine school, exporting keen numbers of icons to Europe. The willingness of the Cretan School to take Western influence was singular; in near of the post-Byzantine world "as an musical instrument of ethnic cohesiveness, art became assertively bourgeois during the Turcocratia" (period of Ottoman rule).^[64]

Russian icon painting began by entirely adopting and imitating Byzantine fine art, every bit did the art of other Orthodox nations, and has remained extremely conservative in iconography, although its painting style has developed singled-out characteristics, including influences from mail service-Renaissance Western art. All the Eastern Orthodox churches have remained highly protective of their traditions in terms of the form and content of images and, for example, modern Orthodox depictions of the Nativity of Christ vary fiddling in content from those developed in the 6th century.

See as well [edit]

• Byzantine illuminated manuscripts
• Byzantine architecture
• Byzantine mosaics
• Macedonian art (Byzantine)
• Byzantine Iconoclasm
• Sacred art
• Volume of Job in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts

Notes [edit]

1. ^ Michelis 1946; Weitzmann 1981.
2. ^ Kitzinger 1977, pp. one‒3.
3. ^ Michelis 1946; Ainalov 1961, "Introduction", pp. iii‒8; Stylianou & Stylianou 1985, p. 19; Hanfmann 1962, "Early Christian Sculpture", p. 42 harvnb fault: no target: CITEREFHanfmann1962 (aid); Weitzmann 1984.
4. ^ Bassett 2004.
5. ^ Cyril 1965, pp. 53‒75 harvnb fault: no target: CITEREFCyril1965 (assist).
6. ^ Ainalov 1961, "The Hellenistic Character of Byzantine Wall Painting", pp. 185‒214.
7. ^ Weitzmann 1981, p. 350.
8. ^ Brendel 1979.
9. ^ Berenson 1954.
10. ^ Elsner 2002, pp. 358‒379.
11. ^ Kitzinger 1977.
12. ^ Onians 1980, pp. 1‒23.
13. ^ Mango 1963, p. 65.
14. ^ Belting & Jephcott 1994 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFBeltingJephcott1994 (help).
15. ^ Bassett 2004.
16. ^ Fowden 1991, pp. 119‒131; Bauer 1996.
17. ^ Mathews 1971; Henck 2001, pp. 279‒304
18. ^ Kiilerich 1998.
19. ^ Mathews 1971.
20. ^ Krautheimer 2000.
21. ^ Spieser 1984; Ćurčić 2000.
22. ^ Wright 1993.
23. ^ Wright 2001.
24. ^ Levin 1985.
25. ^ Volbach 1976.
26. ^ Delbrueck 1929.
27. ^ Dodd 1961.
28. ^ Almagro-Gorbea 2000.
29. ^ Maas 2005.
30. ^ Tr. H.B. Dewing, Procopius Seven (Cambridge, 1962).
31. ^ Mainstone 1997.
32. ^ Dark & Özgümüş 2002, pp. 393‒413.
33. ^ Bardill 2000, pp. 1‒11; Mathews 2005.
34. ^ Forsyth & Weitzmann 1973.
35. ^ Thiel 2005.
36. ^ Deichmann 1969.
37. ^ Eufrasiana Basilica Project.
38. ^ Wellesz 1960.
39. ^ Cavallo 1992.
40. ^ Grabar 1948.
41. ^ Mazal 1998.
42. ^ Cutler 1993, pp. 329‒339.
43. ^ Wright 1986, pp. 75‒79.
44. ^ photo of the plate
45. ^ Haldon 1997.
46. ^ Brubaker 2004, pp. 63‒90.
47. ^ Hairdresser 1991, pp. 43‒lx.
48. ^ Matthiae 1987.
49. ^ Creswell 1969; Flood 2001.
50. ^ Leader 2000, pp. 407‒427.
51. ^ Leroy 1964.
52. ^ Nordenfalk 1938.
53. ^ Brubaker 1998, pp. 1215‒1254.
54. ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977; Brubaker & Haldon 2001.
55. ^ Stein 1980; The story of the Chalke Icon may be a later invention: Auzépy 1990, pp. 445‒492.
56. ^ Grabar 1984.
57. ^ Wright 1985, pp. 355‒362.
58. ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977, Robin Cormack, "The Arts during the Age of Iconoclasm".
59. ^ Peschlow 1977.
60. ^ Theocharidou 1988.
61. ^ Ash 1995.
62. ^ Byron, Robert (Oct 1929). "Greco: The Epilogue to Byzantine Culture". The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs. 55 (319): 160–174. JSTOR 864104.
63. ^ Procopiou, Angelo One thousand. (March 1952). "El Greco and Cretan Painting". The Burlington Magazine. 94 (588): 76–74. JSTOR 870678.
64. ^ Kessler 1988, p. 166.

References [edit]

• Ainalov, D.5. (1961). The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Art. New Brunswick: Rutgers Academy Printing.
• Almagro-Gorbea, Thou., ed. (2000). El Disco de Teodosio. Madrid: Existent Academia de la Historia. ISBN9788489512603.
• Ash, John (1995). A Byzantine Journeying . London: Random House Incorporated. ISBN9780679409342.
• Auzépy, Chiliad.-F. (1990). "La destruction de l'icône du Christ de la Chalcé par Léon 3: propagande ou réalité?". Byzantion. 60: 445‒492.
• Barber, C. (1991). "The Koimesis Church, Nicaea: The Limits of Representation on the Eve of Iconoclasm". Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik. 41: 43‒60.
• Bardill, J. (2000). "The Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople and the Monophysite Refugees". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 54: 1‒11. doi:10.2307/1291830. JSTOR 1291830.
• Bassett, Sarah (2004). The Urban Epitome of Late Antiquarian Constantinople. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521827232.
• Bauer, Franz Alto (1996). Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spätantike. Mainz: P. von Zabern. ISBN9783805318426.
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• Dodd, Erica Cruikshank (1961). Byzantine Argent Stamps. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Trustees for Harvard University.
• Elsner, J. (2002). "The Birth of Late Antiquity: Riegl and Strzygowski in 1901". Art History. 25 (iii): 358‒379. doi:10.1111/1467-8365.00326.
• Ene D-Vasilescu, Elena (2021). Michelangelo, the Byzantines, and Plato. ISBN9781800498792.
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• Flood, Finbarr Barry (2001). The Cracking Mosque of Damascus: Studies on the Making of an Umayyad Visual Civilization. Leiden: Brill.
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Further reading [edit]

• Alloa, Emmanuel (2013). "Visual Studies in Byzantium". Periodical of Visual Culture. 12 (1): 3‒29. doi:10.1177/1470412912468704. S2CID 191395643.
• Beckwith, John (1979). Early Christian and Byzantine Art (2d ed.). Penguin History of Fine art. ISBN978-0140560336.
• Cormack, Robin (2000). Byzantine Art . Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-284211-4.
• Cormack, Robin (1985). Writing in Gold, Byzantine Society and its Icons. London: George Philip. ISBN978-054001085-one.
• Eastmond, Antony (2013). The Glory of Byzantium and Early on Christendom. London: Phaidon Press. ISBN978-0714848105.
• Evans, Helen C., ed. (2004). Byzantium, Faith and Power (1261‒1557) . Metropolitan Museum of Art/Yale University Press. ISBN978-1588391148.
• Evans, Helen C. & Wixom, William D. (1997). The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Civilisation of the Heart Byzantine Era, A.D. 843‒1261. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. OCLC 853250638.
• Hurst, Ellen (8 August 2014). "A Beginner's Guide to Byzantine Art". Smarthistory. Retrieved 20 April 2016.
• James, Elizabeth (2007). Fine art and Text in Byzantine Culture (one ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-83409-4.
• Karahan, Anne (2015). "Patristics and Byzantine Meta-Images. Molding Belief in the Divine from Written to Painted Theology". In Harrison, Carol; Bitton-Ashkelony, Brouria; De Bruyn, Théodore (eds.). Patristic Studies in the Twenty-Outset Century. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. pp. 551–576. ISBN978-2-503-55919-3.
• Karahan, Anne (2010). Byzantine Holy Images – Transcendence and Immanence. The Theological Background of the Iconography and Aesthetics of the Chora Church (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta No. 176). Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA: Peeters Publishers. ISBN978-90-429-2080-four.
• Karahan, Anne (2016). "Byzantine Visual Culture. Weather condition of "Right" Belief and some Platonic Outlooks"". Numen: International Review for the History of Religions. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. 63 (ii–three): 210–244. doi:10.1163/15685276-12341421. ISSN 0029-5973.
• Karahan, Anne (2014). "Byzantine Iconoclasm: Ideology and Quest for Ability". In Kolrud, M.; Prusac, M. (eds.). Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernity. Farnham Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. pp. 75‒94. ISBN978-ane-4094-7033-5.
• Karahan, Anne (2015). "Chapter 10: The Impact of Cappadocian Theology on Byzantine Aesthetics: Gregory of Nazianzus on the Unity and Singularity of Christ". In Dumitraşcu, N. (ed.). The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 159‒184. ISBN978-one-137-51394-six.
• Karahan, Anne (2012). "Beauty in the Eyes of God. Byzantine Aesthetics and Basil of Caesarea". Byzantion: Revue Internationale des Études Byzantines. 82: 165‒212. eISSN 2294-6209. ISSN 0378-2506. *Karahan, Anne (2013). "The Image of God in Byzantine Cappadocia and the Result of Supreme Transcendence". Studia Patristica. 59: 97‒111. ISBN978-90-429-2992-0.
• Karahan, Anne (2010). "The Issue of περιχώρησις in Byzantine Holy Images". Studia Patristica. 44: 27‒34. ISBN978-90-429-2370-6.
• Gerstel, Sharon E. J.; Lauffenburger, Julie A., eds. (2001). A Lost Art Rediscovered. Pennsylvania Land University. ISBN978-0-271-02139-3.
• Mango, Cyril, ed. (1972). The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312‒1453: Sources and Documents. Englewood Cliffs.
• Obolensky, Dimitri (1974) [1971]. The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500‒1453. London: Cardinal. ISBN9780351176449.
• http://www.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_ΑργείοςWeitzmann, Kurt, ed. (1979). Historic period of Spirituality: Late Antiquarian and Early Christian Fine art, Third to Seventh Century. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

External links [edit]

• Byzantine Publications Online, freely bachelor for download from Dumbarton Oaks
• Lethaby, William (1911). "Byzantine Art". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 4 (11th ed.). pp. 906–911.
• Eikonografos.com: Byzantine Icons and Mosaics Archived 2012-03-31 at the Wayback Machine
• Anthony Cutler on the economic history of Byzantine mosaics, wall-paintings and icons at Dumbarton Oaks.
• http://www.biblionet.gr/volume/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_Αργείος

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_art

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